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Surveillance company Flock generates controversy, and L.A. customers

Santa Cruz tried out the surveillance company Flock Safety for a little over a year before deciding it was time to move on.
Cambridge, Mass., also had enough and tore up its contract in December. Now, some officials in San Diego have begun to have second thoughts of their own.
In recent months, dozens of cities have cut ties with Flock — the nation’s largest provider of automated digital license plate readers — over fears that data the company captures is helping power President Trump’s mass deportation campaign.
The same can’t be said in one particularly surprising place: Los Angeles. Here, Flock still has an eager customer base of local elected officials, police officers, homeowners associations and businesses.
Unlike some of its competitors, the Atlanta-based company has not only marketed its plate readers to law enforcement as a vital crime-fighting tool, but aggressively pitched its product to private citizens, experts say.
“They are tremendous investigative tools,” said LAPD spokesman Capt. Michael Bland.
But for critics, there’s an obvious downside: the potential tracking of law-abiding citizens without a warrant on a scale once thought unimaginable.
“These can be really powerful tools to find someone, and identity them. But when you don’t have a suspect, everyone can be a suspect,” said Hannah Bloch-Wehba, a professor of law at Texas A&M University.
A Flock spokesperson did not respond to multiple requests for comment for this story.
Typically mounted on street poles or atop police cars, plate readers continuously monitor passing vehicles, recording their location at a specific date and time. But Flock’s AI-powered cameras go even further by also documenting other identifying vehicle details, such as make, model and color, as well as any distinctive markings like scratches or dents on a bumper.
From there, police can easily search for the location of specific vehicles in the company’s vast national database, allowing them not only to potentially retrace the whereabouts of someone suspected of a crime, but also receive predictions about future movements.
In a presentation to the Picfair Village Neighborhood Assn., Flock boasted that its plate readers had helped solve “10% of reported crime in the U.S.” In L.A., the company said, its technology had been deployed to nab porch pirates and car thieves, not to mention played a role in solving a “high-profile crime involving stolen weapons from a politician’s home.”
The problem, at least in the minds of a growing number of privacy and immigration advocates, is that the readers capture a vast amount of information not related to any specific criminal investigation. The ability of federal authorities to access Los Angeles Police Department surveillance data directly from companies like Flock or from regional intelligence hubs called fusion centers undermines the city’s promise as a haven for immigrants, critics say.
“License plate readers play a critical role in providing directions and a road map to ICE for going out to kidnap people,” said Hamid Khan, an organizer with the activist group Stop LAPD Spying Coalition, which last spring wrote a letter to the Police Commission urging it to rewrite the LAPD’s policies to ensure information on law-abiding drivers isn’t shared with federal authorities.
The commission, the LAPD’s civilian oversight panel, ordered a study on the department’s license plate reader system that is expected to be completed this summer.
LAPD officials say records collected by the plate readers are accessible only to five smaller police agencies with which the department has data-sharing agreements. Furthermore, they say the use of the readers, like with other police technology, is restricted by state laws that limit information sharing with federal agencies like Immigration and Customs Enforcement.
Plate-reading technology has been around for decades. But as the Trump administration’s deportation crackdown has ramped up, residents, privacy advocates and officials in some cities across the country have mounted campaigns urging their local governments to stop using the technology.
Much of the backlash has been aimed specifically at Flock — a heavyweight in the surveillance market that contracts with a reported 5,000 U.S. policing agencies. The company’s data-sharing with federal authorities and cybersecurity lapses have been documented by 404 Media and other outlets.
After previously denying it had federal contracts, Flock Chief Executive Garrett Langley admitted in interviews in recent months that the company has worked with U.S. Customs and Border Protection and Homeland Security Investigations. The company has since said that it has severed ties with both agencies, and responded to other concerns by giving communities more power to decide whom to grant access to state or nationwide lookup networks.
In Bloch-Wehba’s view, Flock’s meteoric rise is a triumph of marketing over results.
“There’s very little evidence on the actual impact of these technologies on violent crime rates at all,” said Bloch-Wehba, who noted an explosion of surveillance technology in 2020 to monitor protesters or enforce rules implemented to curb the spread of COVID-19 during the pandemic.
In the L.A. area, Flock has gone head to head with competitor Vigilant Solutions, which has for years supplied the majority of the LAPD’s plate readers. But today, cops tout Flock cameras at community meetings and some City Council members have paid to bring them to their districts.
Flock has also sought to flex its political might. City records show the company has stepped up its lobbying efforts at City Hall in recent years — hiring Ballard Partners, a powerful Florida-based firm whose employees now include former City Councilmember Joe Buscaino.
Many Flock plate readers, though, have been purchased by community groups. In most cases, residents band together to raise money to buy the devices, which they then either grant access to or donate to the LAPD via the Police Foundation, the department’s nonprofit charity. By donating the equipment, neighborhood groups may get to control what type of technology is installed and by whom.
“My real preference would be a fully staffed LAPD, and then we don’t have any cameras,” said Jim Fitzgerald, who lives in Venice and serves on its neighborhood council.
Roy Nwaisser, who chairs the Encino Neighborhood Council’s public safety committee, said that Flock often played up the shortage of police officers during its presentations to residents in his neighborhood.
“I personally have concerns with how Flock conducts their businesses, but they are the biggest player and if LAPD is working with them, they just have to make sure that there are those safeguards,” he said. “I don’t know that automated license plate readers are all that effective when owned by neighbors living on the street who decided to get together.”
Police executives have defended the practice, saying license plate data has helped solve untold numbers of crimes, from run-of-the-mill porch theft to high-profile cases like the 2024 attempted assassination of then-presidential candidate Donald Trump at a Florida golf course. The technology also came into play during an investigation into the fatal drive-by shooting of a 17-year-old boy at a North Hills intersection last month. According to a search warrant affidavit, detectives tracked a suspect vehicle to a home in Sun Valley after it was captured by several scanners near where the shooting occurred.
Because so many plate scanners are in private hands, it’s difficult to say how many of the devices are in operation citywide.
The L.A. Bureau of Street Lighting, which is responsible for installing the devices on city-owned property, said it has mounted 324 over five years — though that tally doesn’t include mobile plate readers.
Bland said the LAPD has 1,500 police vehicles equipped with the scanners. Police also have access to an additional 280 plate readers in fixed locations throughout the city, which are owned privately or by the department, he said. He estimated that about 120 of those readers belong to Flock.
The cameras are also integrated with the department’s new drones, which are being paid for by a $1.2-million donation from the Police Foundation.
The devices are also used for many other purposes outside of regular law enforcement. Big box retailers like Home Depot and Lowe’s have installed Flock cameras across hundreds of parking lots. Many border crossings have them. In East L.A., they are used as an emissions-reduction tool by tracking semi-trailers. USC uses them to enforce parking violations, and the L.A. Department of Transportation has deployed such cameras to nab motorists who park in bus lanes.
Since the beginning of 2025, a small-but-growing number of states and cities have enacted laws aimed at curbing the use of surveillance technology such as license plate readers.
Under California law, police agencies are required to adopt detailed usage and privacy policies governing license plate data, restrict access to authorized purposes, and regularly audit searches to prevent misuse. Gov. Gavin Newsom previously vetoed a bill that would have restricted use of such data, saying the regulations would impede criminal investigations, but the bill has been reintroduced this year.
Nearly 50 cities nationwide have opted to deactivate their scanners or cancel contracts with Flock, mostly in recent months, according to the website DeFlock.me, which has set out to map locations of the company’s cameras. Responding to public pressure, some places like Santa Cruz canceled their contracts after realizing that they had been sharing their data more broadly than they had known, including with federal authorities.
Other Flock customers, like Oakland, have dug in and decided to keep their cameras at the urging of local homeowners association representatives and small business owners — but over the objections of the city’s own Privacy Advisory Commission.
Among the places that have started to reconsider their relationship with Flock is San Diego. In December, city leaders split on the issue, but ultimately voted to keep using Flock’s scanners after a contentious public hearing meeting in which they heard from hundreds of residents opposed to the surveillance technology.
Councilmember Sean Elo-Rivera said he voted against working with Flock based on what he saw as the company’s poor track record of “data retention” and “consumer protections.” Although the city has operated Flock plate readers and cameras for years, the stakes are far higher now, he said.
“We have a presidential regime that is not only flouting the law, but takes pride in ignoring due process, in violating rights of people they deem unworthy of the rights and protections,” said Elo-Rivera, who represents an ethnically diverse district in San Diego’s Mid-City area. “They have a by-any-means-necessary approach when it comes to immigration enforcement. And now they have a tool that makes it very easy for them to track people down.”
Times staff writer David Zahniser contributed to this report.
News
Hundreds of affordable housing units funded by new L.A. County agency

For Michael Miller, getting a project off the ground is usually a bureaucratic juggling act.
When building affordable housing like the 200-plus units he’s planning in Harbor Gateway and Stevenson Ranch, the president of Bold Communities said he’d typically be forced to find funding through three to five different local and state agencies.
This time around, he’s going to just one: the newly established L.A. County Affordable Housing Solutions Agency.
The agency, known as LACAHSA, bills itself as a one-stop shop for affordable housing financing with offers of construction loans, permanent loans, rental subsidies and other types of funding products. It’s betting that in doing so developers can build low-income homes quicker and cheaper in a county with a bruising affordability and homelessness crisis.
There’s some evidence this is the case. According to the Terner Center at UC Berkeley, each additional public funding source an affordable developer uses, on average, delays a project four months and increases total cost by $20,460 per unit — more than $2 million for a 100-unit community.
“We want to build housing cheaper and quicker, because that means more units,” LACAHSA interim chief executive Ryan Johnson said.
On Wednesday, the agency gave approval to just over $100 million for ten projects, including the two from Bold Communities.
The Terner Center said going to multiple agencies for needed funding adds costs because developers have to endure higher legal, staffing and compliance costs to manage additional applications and contracts.
Each process, of course, also takes time, during which developers pay additional holding costs on predevelopment loans, all the while inflation pushes up the cost of materials and wages.
Miller estimated by going through only LACAHSA, he could cut down total costs around 5% to 10%.
LACAHSA, founded through state legislation in 2022, receives its funding from the recent voter-approved Measure A half-cent sales tax to fight homelessness and build affordable housing.
Until now, the agency had awarded money only for homeless prevention efforts such as direct rental subsidies to tenants.
It’s first batch of funds to build and preserve affordable housing, approved Wednesday, will pay for 554 below market units. The vast majority will be brand new homes, while a small share will be conversions of existing market rate residential units into affordable units and extending deed-restrictions on some existing below-market units.
LACAHSA pointed to data showing that of the top performing quarter of new construction projects that recently applied for its funding, total development costs came in below the typical cost to build affordable units in the county. Savings rose to nearly 12% when project proposals relied primarily or entirely on LACAHSA funding, rather than mixing state funding with just one or two LACAHSA products.
Terner Center managing director Ben Metcalf said it’s unclear to what extent those savings might reflect that cheaper projects just happened to apply for funding from LACAHSA. But he expects at least some of the savings can be attributed to LACAHSA’s structure.
Not only does the agency offer a plethora of financial products, but LACAHSA said it ranks project proposals by their efforts to reduce costs and considers that as a significant factor when deciding to approve funding.
Metcalf, who previously served as director of the California Dept. of Housing and Community Development, said such a focus on awarding dollars based on the estimated development cost isn’t the norm among public agencies.
In part, he theorized that was because “the rising cost of affordable housing has really only become an issue of visible concern over the last few years.”
In 2022, the Times reported the cost to build just one unit of affordable housing in California routinely cost more than $1 million. Voters have also expressed growing frustration at the lack of progress in reducing homelessness and overall housing costs.
LACAHSA isn’t the only effort to simply a complicated funding process, with Gov. Gavin Newsom proposing to streamline state funding as part of this year’s budget.
Meanwhile, LACAHSA plans to approve another round of affordable housing funds in May.
To apply for that funding and the dollars approved Wednesday, LACAHSA said it required developers to be able to break ground within 12 months. Developers submitted 127 applications, seeking a total of $1.5 billion to build 11,625 units.
Long Beach Mayor Rex Richardson, who serves as chair of the LACAHSA board, argued the high interest shows it’s really a lack of “financing and operational support” holding back the construction of more affordable housing in L.A. County, rather than a lack of “sites or community will.”
“LACAHSA was built to meet this moment,” he said in a statement.
The projects that Bold Communities plans in Harbor Gateway and Stevenson Ranch are conversions of extended stay hotels into low-income senior housing.
Now that funding is secured, Miller said he expects the buildings to be full of new residents by the end of next year.
“I think these will be, honestly, pretty straight forward,” the non profit executive said.
News
Catholicism Thrives in Africa, but Pope’s Cameroon Visit Highlights a Divide
Catholicism is growing fast on the continent, yet Africans play a comparatively small role in church leadership. Cameroon, which Leo XIV will visit Wednesday, shows the disparity.
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Are Neutrinos Their Own Evil Twins? Part 4: Majorana’s Mystery
(This is Part 4 of a series on neutrinos, Majorana fermions, and one of the strangest open questions in physics. Read Part 1, Part 2, and Part 3.)
It’s 1937. One year before Ettore Majorana vanishes. He is sitting with Dirac’s framework — the precise, picture-perfect vision of quantum mechanics — and doing what very few people in history have been capable of doing: going toe-to-toe with it.
He asks the kinds of questions nobody else is even thinking of asking. Does everything HAVE to work this way? Does a particle HAVE to have a distinct antiparticle?
He discovered that the answer is no. It’s not mandatory. It’s optional. It’s a choice. And it’s a choice that the universe, in all its infinite wisdom, made for electrons and quarks and every other charged particle we know. But neutrinos have no charge. Do they absolutely 100% HAVE to follow the same rules?
Majorana said “eh, maybe not.” And then disappeared.
These are what we call Majorana particles, as opposed to Dirac particles.
All Dirac particles have charge and have an antiparticle partner. All Dirac particles flip-flop between the two hands, but the universe doesn’t really care. Maybe neutrinos aren’t Dirac particles. Maybe they’re Majorana particles. Maybe their opposite partner doesn’t have opposite charge — it has opposite handedness. And the “charge” is the part that nobody cares about. Which is true, because neutrinos don’t have charge.
This means that neutrinos might be their own antiparticles.
Consider this: remember when 3D movies were briefly everywhere? Those work because light comes in two handednesses — left-circularly polarized and right-circularly polarized. One lens filters one out and passes the other, giving each eye a slightly different view. The photon is its own antiparticle. A left-handed photon and a right-handed photon aren’t particle and antiparticle of each other — they’re just the same particle with different handedness. The photon gets away with this because it carries no charge. Nothing forces the particle/antiparticle distinction to exist.
The Majorana idea is just: maybe the neutrino does the same thing. For the same reason.
In the Dirac picture we have four options. Left-handed neutrino — we see it. Right-handed antineutrino — check. Right-handed neutrino — invisible. Left-handed antineutrino — never seen. Two observable, two permanently hidden.
In the Majorana picture, we collapse that. The right-handed antineutrino and the right-handed neutrino? Same thing. The left-handed antineutrino and the left-handed neutrino? Same thing. Just two particles instead of four.
Most particles care about charge but not about handedness. Neutrinos might be the kind of particle that cares about handedness but not charge.
The Dirac picture asks us to believe in four kinds of particles when we only ever see two, and explains the missing two with “they exist but interact with literally nothing, deal with it.” The Majorana picture says: maybe there are only two particles. Maybe the universe isn’t hiding anything. Maybe we were just overcomplicating it.
But nature doesn’t care about elegance. You can have a beautiful, perfect, logical, completely wrong theory.
Watching Atoms Die
So how do we test it? How do you look at a neutrino and ask: hey buddy, are you your own antiparticle?
One option is to watch atoms die.
There’s a process called double beta decay. Sometimes two neutrons in a nucleus decay at the same time, producing two protons, two electrons, and two antineutrinos. We’ve seen this happen. It’s rare, but it’s real.
But if neutrinos are Majorana particles, then there’s really no such thing as “neutrino” versus “antineutrino” — they’re the same thing. And that changes what can happen inside the nucleus when the reactions go down. Instead of two antineutrinos coming out, you have one coming out of one neutron and going straight INTO the other. What comes out is two protons, two electrons…and nothing else.
We call it neutrinoless double beta decay. And right now, in deep underground laboratories that are absolutely not evil lairs, shielded from cosmic rays, surrounded by tons of carefully chosen isotopes, experiments are running and watching and waiting for exactly this signal.
We’ve got nothing.
That’s not a no. But it’s also not a yes. It’s just…not yet. The signal from neutrinoless double beta decay would be extraordinarily faint — neutrino masses are so vanishingly small that even if the process exists, it almost never happens. The non-observation just tells us it’s rare. It sets limits. But it’s not the final word.
Nobody knows what happened to Ettore Majorana. Some said it was suicide — that letter he sent wasn’t exactly the epitome of mental health. Some said he faked his death and fled to a monastery. There were reported sightings in South America, years later. Unverified, of course.
A lot like his namesake particle. A case that hasn’t been closed.
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